Peru’s Ministry of Transportation informed drivers at the beginning of the week that a plan to replace license plates would begin in 90 days and would cost 120 soles, or nearly $45, per plate. The headline on Tuesday read: “Oldest Cars Will Renew their Plates First.”
But it would have been a big mistake to get on line early. Only four days later, on Saturday, the order of priority was reversed: “Change of Plates Will Start in 2009 and Begin With New Vehicles.” The cost per transaction changed as well, dropping to 70 soles.
What’s going on here? The agency apparently came under heavy criticism for appearing to make those who could least afford another bill — the drivers of older cars — pay first, and pay excessively. The revision may make drivers feel better about the bottom line, but it can’t do much for the credibility of the government officials who presumably spent months preparing to roll out an overhaul of licensing, in an effort to rid the country of fake plates, only to huddle on the sidelines and quickly call a new play.
On the same day that the revision was announced El Comercio ran a full-page article with an analysis by three psychoanalysts as to why Peruvians remain distrustful of the government amid upbeat economic indicators. For example, national production grew 12 percent in February; the economy expanded 9 percent in 2007, marking nine straight years of growth. But President Alan Garcia’s approval rating fell to 26 percent this month, the lowest level of his second term, with rising food prices seen as the main source of the public discontent.
One congressman, Johny Lescano, had strongly criticized the license plate plan, saying that the added expense came at a time when many Peruvians were already hard-pressed to pay for high food prices, and that the program was being established to benefit “political friends.”
The psychoanalysts, meanwhile, pointed to various factors, including: 1) a failure on the part of the government and businesses to communicate to the people just how good the economy is doing; 2) a difference between the macro picture (mango production nationally rose sharply this year) and the micro picture (someone who picks mangos on a small chacra may not be paid any more than a year ago and is paying twice as much for home cooking oil and rice); 3) a belief that corruption in government is rampant (in a separate article today, a series of photos showed a police officer capturing a suspected thief and then accepting 20 soles to let him go scot-free).
P.S. Thankfully, we don’t drive down here. Instead we can walk a block or two and find a bus that will take us to wherever we’re headed across the city, usually for no more than 1 sol. We’re really going to miss this public transportation option when we head back to Goshen and rev up the Honda Civic.
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If you’d like a read a story about a government whose conduct is truly frightening, take a look at “In Zimbabwe Jail: A Reporter’s Ordeal.” Barry Bearak, a foreign correspondent for The New York Times, was arrested on charges of “committing journalism.”
Here’s a glimpse of how the interrogation unfolded:
The crowded room was hot. Already, I felt jailed. I needed a breath of air, but when I moved toward the door, Detective Jasper Musademba, a well-built man in a jacket and tie, stopped me. He had been the most threatening of the police. “If you try to go outside…” he said sternly, stopping in midsentence. He made his hand into a gun and pulled the trigger.
“You’ll kill me?” I asked.
“Good,” he remarked wryly. “Then you’ve seen that movie.”

